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They are getting votes from Libertador and Southern Valen cia mostly be cause in spite of themselves. Only a few courageous Venezuelans working for the opposition - some people I know - are spending a lot of time in those areas listening to people's needs and talking about proposals. Labels: ideas for Venezuela , interior , opposition. What you see above is a Scolopendra gigantea. They are almost everywhere in Venezuela. I love mountaineering and trekking. When I arrived in Europe and went on trekking trips with Northern friends, they would ask me: why are you always looking at the stones and earth like that?
I realised I was doing exactly what I had learnt to do in Venezuela as a wee child: always check out for poisonous snakes or insects before putting a hand in or on any spot. Of course, in Northern Europe you have to watch out for loose stones and the like, but you don't really have to be as cautious as in Venezuela when it comes to avoiding small animals.
In fact, even at my home, which is in a city but right next to a mountain, I would always check shoes or boots I had left outside by pressing them through before putting my feet in. Poisonous ants were always hard to spot. My brother forgot the drill once and he got stung by a scorpion. It was extremely painful for him and had he been smaller it could have been fatal. Scolopendrae gigantea eat, among other things, tarantulas. You would not like to put your toe into a shoe with one of them inside. They can easily reach a foot long or long for your foot.
Well, you would not want the tarantula either. Labels: Indians , Venezuela auf Deutsch. It seems some Northerners are getting it! I have mentioned it in some posts: those consuming co caine in the North are right now responsible to a big extent for finan cing the very murderous drug bands in Latin Ameri ca. Northern countries or ri ch ones, as Australia is in this group as well can a c cuse Latin Ameri can countries of not doing enough to curb the produ ction and export of co caine, but they are doing mu ch less in curbing their consumption. The current international legislation on drugs, largely supported by the ri ch countries, is only good for drug dealers.
There is su ch a thing as the l aw of supply and demand , guys! Many thousands of people in Latin Ameri ca are paying with their lives every month caught in the middle of the co caine wars finan ced with dollars and euros Labels: drug trafficking , Venezuelan on foreign affairs. This post is about the Bolivarian militias and Venezuelans in general. This is about Venezuela's future or lack of it. Some weeks ago I was listening to a BBC programme about the Basij , the paramilitary militia used by the Iranian regime to oppress its population or, as the Basij and the regime say, to "defend the revolution".
I could not stop thinking about Venezuela. The stories were gruesome and although they were nothing really new, they kept being shocking. The human rights situation in Iran is as grim as ever. There are important differences between Venezuela and Iran. One of them is religion. Venezuelans usually have a rather light view on religion. They are mostly Christians, sort of.
They don't tend to mix politics with religion, even if the current president keeps telling them about how Christian he is and how socialist Jesus was. Venezuela, unlike Iran, was a democracy before the so-called revolution arrived. It was a highly dysfunctional democracy, but a democracy all the same. People were used to speaking out very loud about. As I said on an earlier post , there was no real culture for civilized debate.
Still, there was a start. The Venezuelan regime could not change that overnight and it did not want to do it. The new government did not want to alianate at an early stage potential supporters abroad and in Venezuela. They let international observers go to Venezuela. They let them see how Globovision was telling day in, day out about how dictatorial the regime was.
A dictatorship just doesn't do that. The chavista government wanted foreign observers to see the very harsh criticism of a few national newspapers. Government officials know most international observers ignore how many persons could actually watch those TV stations or how many normaly read those newspapers. Globovision is a Potemkin village for the Venezuelan government. It broadcasts its very critical view but it can only reach a tiny minority. In reality we can say Venezuela now is no longer a democracy. It is not a Belarus nor an Iran, but it is not a democracy.
The opposition can bark, but the rope is short. And here I go to Venezuela's similarities with Iran:. The development of the so-called "Bolivarian" militias is a worrying phenomenon. One of the British journalists started to mention the typical characteristics of many of those Basij in Iran. The similarities were clear, even if not surprising. Most members of the Iranian militias. Labels: alternative , autocracy , ideas for Venezuela , interior. If the general population does not have the right tools for analytical thinking and its leaders are in a similar situation, the country is doomed for failure.
The government we have now is not up to the challenge. Right now it is clumsily trying to get rid of the responsability of providing for a solid education at school level. It is putting most of the responsability at university level, as you can read in Spanish El N a cional. The government is simply saying that universities now are discriminating against pupils coming from state schools and that they should simply accept them all and fix things then.
It does not want to debate why those pupils are so badly prepared. The reality is that Venezuelan pupils, specially those coming from public schools, are on average very badly qualified. They are - this is average - the worst of Latin America by far. That is one of the reasons why the chavista government decided to take Venezuela out of international evaluation tests as soon as it came to power and that is why it just prefers to tell Unesco how great Venezuela is doing now.
The government propaganda machine then talks to the whole world about the Unesco reports State universities have been using internal admission procedures to select their students: there are just too many people wanting to go to university and just a tiny minority have the necessary skills to do so. The admission procedures are mostly tests to find out who the most promising are.
As public schools are in worse shape than private ones, there is a higher proportion of pupils from private schools getting into state universities. On one side we have the government telling universities the government is going to select students and that universities must accept them all and just make up for the low quality by adding "introductory courses". On the other side, most university representatives say they have the right to choose students and if they don't do that, quality will suffer more than it is suffering now.
Those university representatives are as selfish and blind as the government. Simply put, everyone is trying to put responsibility somewhere else. It is incredibly sad that neither students nor university professors know how to bring forward alternative solutions to the government's short-term "solution". Everybody in Venezuela needs to understand this:. Labels: education in Venezuela , ideas for Venezuela. Black rats came from Eurasia. They came to America with the European conquista. Still, America I am talking in the original sense of the word America has lots of other "native" rodents.
One of those rodents is the picure or Dasyprocta fuliginosa. It lives in Venezuela, Colombia and Brazil. I have seen a lot of them while wandering in the mountains of Carabobo. Picures were good for dinner in the countryside decades ago. Some people still eat them. Picures are about 45 to 76 cm long. Some ideas about how to fight corruption in Venezuela: 1 create a Corrupedia , the free Encyclopaedia For Venezuelan Corruption that contains information about all corruption affairs reported in Venezuela's history.
This encyclopaedia should. The Swiss historian Walter Hofer accused Mommsen of "not seeing because he does not want to see" what Hofer saw as the obvious connection between what Hitler wrote in Mein Kampf and his actions. Along the same lines, these historians criticized Mommsen for focusing too much on initiatives coming from below in the ranks of the German bureaucracy and not enough on initiatives coming from above in the leadership in Berlin.
Mommsen's friend Yehuda Bauer has criticized Mommsen for stressing too much the similarities in values between the traditional German state bureaucracy and the Nazi Party's bureaucracy, while paying insufficient attention to the differences. In the Historikerstreit debate, Mommsen argued that the Holocaust and fascist crimes could not be equated with Soviet crimes.
Mommsen argued that the growth in pacifist feeling in the Federal Republic as reflected in widespread public opposition to the American raid on Libya in April made it imperative for the Americans and the West German government to promote a more nationalistic version of German history, and, what was behind the Historikerstreit. Mommsen has written regarded books and essays on the fall of the Weimar Republic , blaming the downfall of the Republic on German conservatives. Like his brother Wolfgang, Mommsen was a champion of the Sonderweg interpretation of German history that sees the ways German society and politics developed in the 19th century as having made the emergence of Nazi Germany in the 20th century inevitable.
Another area of interest for Mommsen is dissent and resistance in the Third Reich. Much of Mommsen's work in this area concerns the problems of "resistance without the people". Mommsen has drawn unfavorable comparisons between what he sees as conservative opposition and Social Democratic and Communist resistance to the Nazis. Mommsen was an expert on social history and writes about working-class life in the Weimar and Nazi eras. Starting in the s, Mommsen was one of a younger generation of West German historians who provide a more critical assessment of Widerstand within German elites, came to decry the "monumentalization" typical of German historical writing about Widerstand in the s.
In two articles published in , Mommsen proved the claim advanced in the s that the ideas behind "men of July 20" were the inspiration for the Basic Law of the Federal Republic was false. Mommsen's friend, the British historian Sir Ian Kershaw wrote he thought that Mommsen had "destroyed" Goldhagen during their debates over Goldhagen's book Hitler's Willing Executioners. In an August book review, Mommsen called Norman Finkelstein's book The Holocaust Industry "a most trivial book, which appeals to aroused anti-Semitic prejudices.
Mommsen saw it as the duty of the historian to critique contemporary society. Her many books and articles on topics ranging from totalitarianism to epistemology have had a lasting influence on political theory. Arendt is considered one of the most important political philosophers of the twentieth century. After completing her secondary education, she studied at the University of Marburg under Martin Heidegger , with whom she had a brief affair, he had a lasting influence on her thinking, she obtained her doctorate in philosophy in at the University of Heidelberg with Karl Jaspers.
Adolf Hitler came to power in , while researching antisemitic propaganda for the Zionist Federation of Germany in Berlin that year, Arendt was denounced and imprisoned by the Gestapo. On release, she fled Germany , living in Switzerland before settling in Paris. There she worked for Youth Aliyah. She settled in New York, she became a writer and editor and worked for the Jewish Cultural Reconstruction , becoming an American citizen in With the publication of The Origins of Totalitarianism in , her reputation as a thinker and writer was established and a series of seminal works followed; these included The Human Condition in , Eichmann in Jerusalem and On Revolution in She taught while declining tenure-track appointments, she died of a heart attack in , at the age of 69, leaving her last work, The Life of the Mind, unfinished.
Her works cover a broad range of topics, but she is best known for those dealing with the nature of power and evil, as well as politics, direct democracy and totalitarianism.
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In the popular mind she is best remembered for the controversy surrounding the trial of Adolf Eichmann , her attempt to explain how ordinary people become actors in totalitarian systems, considered an apologia , for the phrase "the banality of evil". She is commemorated by institutions and journals devoted to her thinking, the Hannah Arendt Prize for political thinking, on stamps, street names and schools, amongst other things.
Arendt's grandparents were members of the Reform Jewish community there. Like other members of the Centralverein he saw himself as a German and disapproved of the activities of Zionists, such as the young Kurt Blumenfeld , a frequent visitor to their home and would become one of Hannah's mentors. Of Max Arendt's children, Paul Arendt was an engineer and Henriette Arendt was a policewoman who became a social worker. Hannah was the only child of Paul and Martha Arendt, who were married on April 11, , she was named after her paternal grandmother. Hannah's extended family contained many more women, who shared the loss of children.
Hannah's parents were better educated and politically more to the left than her grandparents, both being members of the Social Democrats, rather than the German Democratic Party that most of their contemporaries supported. Paul Arendt was educated at the Albertina. Though he worked as an engineer, he prided himself on his love of Classics, he collected a large library.
Martha Cohn, a musician, had studied for three years in Paris. In the first four years of their marriage, the Arendts lived in Berlin, where they were supporters of the socialist journal Sozialistische Monatshefte. At the time of Hannah's birth, Paul Arendt was employed by an electrical engineering firm in Linden, they lived in a frame house on the market square. For years Hannah had to have annual WR tests for congenital syphilis, he died on October , when Hannah was seven, leaving her mother to raise her. A close ally of Adolf Hitler , he was convicted at the Nuremberg trials and sentenced to 20 years in prison.
An architect by training, Speer joined the Nazi Party in , launching himself on a political and governmental career which lasted fourteen years, his architectural skills made him prominent within the Party and he became a member of Hitler's inner circle. Hitler instructed him to design and construct structures including the Reich Chancellery and the Nazi party rally grounds in Nuremberg. Using doctored statistics, Speer promoted himself as having performed an "armaments miracle", credited with keeping Germany in the war.
In , Speer established a task force to increase production of fighter aircraft that became instrumental in the exploitation of slave labour for the benefit of the German war effort. After the war, Speer was arrested and charged with the crimes of the Nazi regime among the 24 "major war criminals" at the Nuremberg trials, he was found guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity, principally for the use of slave labor, narrowly avoiding a death sentence. Having served his full term, Speer was released in , he used his writings from the time of imprisonment as the basis for two autobiographical books, Inside the Third Reich and Spandau: The Secret Diaries.
Speer's books were a success, the general public was fascinated by an inside view of the Third Reich. Speer died of a stroke in Little remains of Speer's personal architectural work. Through his autobiographies and interviews, Speer constructed an image of himself as a man who regretted having failed to discover the monstrous crimes of the Third Reich. However, he continued to deny explicit knowledge of, responsibility for, the Holocaust. This image dominated his historiography in the decades following the war, giving rise to the "Speer Myth"; the first theme of the myth posits that after his appointment as Minister of Armaments he revolutionized the German war machine.
The second theme is. Beginning in the s, the myth began to fall apart; the armaments miracle was attributed to Nazi propaganda. Adam Tooze wrote in The Wages of Destruction that the idea that Speer was an apolitical technocrat was "absurd". Speer was born into an upper-middle-class family, he was the second of three sons of Albert Friedrich Speer.
In , the family moved to a home they had in Heidelberg. According to Henry T. King , deputy prosecutor at Nuremberg who wrote a book about Speer, "Love and warmth were lacking in the household of Speer's youth. His two brothers Ernst and Hermann bullied him throughout his childhood. Speer was active in sports, mountaineering. Speer studied architecture. Speer began his architectural studies at the University of Karlsruhe instead of a more acclaimed institution because the hyperinflation crisis of limited his parents' income.
In when the crisis had abated, he transferred to the "much more reputable" Technical University of Munich.
In he transferred again, this time to the Technical University of Berlin where he studied under Heinrich Tessenow , whom Speer admired. After passing his exams in , Speer became Tessenow's assistant, a high honor for a man of 22; as such, Speer taught some of Tessenow's classes while continuing his own postgraduate studies. In Munich , continuing in Berlin, Speer began a close friendship spanning over 50 years, with Rudolf Wolters , who studied under Tessenow.
In mid, Speer began courting Margarete Weber, the daughter of a successful craftsman who employed 50 workers. The relationship was frowned upon by Speer's class-conscious mother, who felt that the Webers were inferior. Despite this opposition, the two married in Berlin on August 28, ; the couple would have six children together, but Albert Speer grew apart from his family after , he remained distant after his release from imprisonment in , despite efforts to forge closer bonds.
In January , Speer applied for Nazi Party membership, on March 1, became member number , In , with stipends shrinking amid the Depression, Speer surrendered his position as Tessenow's assistant and moved to Mannheim , hoping to make a living as an architect. Unsuccessful, his father gave him a part-time job as manager of the elder Speer's properties. While they were there, his friend, Nazi Party official Karl Hanke , recommended the young architect to Joseph Goebbels to help renovate the Party's Berlin headquarters. When the commission was completed, Speer returned to Mannheim and remained there as Hitler took office in January The organizers of the Nuremberg Rally asked Speer to submit designs for the rally, bringing him into contact with Hitler for the first time.
Neither the organizers nor Rudolf Hess were willing to decide whether to approve the p. Below was born on the estate of Jargelin near Anklam in the Province of Pomerania , he was a member of the German aristocracy.
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He trained as a pilot in at the Deutsche Verkehrsfliegerschule. From to he served with the Reichsheer 12th Infantry Regiment. Below joined the German Air Force and served with Jagdgeschwader "Richthofen" and transferred to Jagdgeschwader Below's task was to be the link between the air force leadership. Hitler disliked and was suspicious of soldiers with aristocratic backgrounds; this was true as the tide of World War II turned against Germany. But Below, with the rank of colonel , was one of the few members of Hitler's entourage to continually serve in a close capacity for so many years.
During the time between the Christmas and New Year's holiday of , Hitler told Below: "I know the war is lost, the enemy's superiority is far too great.